“I’m not a Victim, She’s an Abuser”:Masculinity, Victimization and Protection Orders

Durfee, Alesha. 2011. ” “I’m not a Victim, She’s an Abuser”:Masculinity, Victimization and Protection Orders.” Gender and Society 25(3):316-334

In this article, the author analyzes narratives of heterosexual men who claim victimization while filing petitions for domestic violence civil protection orders. In these narratives, the author examines how “men negotiate competing  discourses of victimization, hegemonic masculinity, and common understandings of domestic violence. ” (p.17) She frames her research question as such:

” How do men navigate gendered constructions of victimization and identity in the narratives of abuse they file to obtain a protection order against a woman partner?”

Data and Methods

The author analyzed 48 petitions for protection orders filed by men for protection from their female partners.27 were White and 10 were Black and race was not recorded for 11. 42 reported verbal abuse and 39 reported physical abuse.  27 reported both. Only 21 men received protection orders.

The author employes narrative analysis to arrive at themes and sub-themes.

Results

Reading through these petitions, the author arrived at three main themes:

• Power and control in the relationship

In their narrations, men emphasized how they were still in control of their relationships, even when they reported being assaulted.

• Claims about identity (both victim and abuser)

Men claimed that they had resisted but made it clear that they were not abusers.

• Fear of the respondent

Most men did not express any fear of the respondent even when they were filing for protection.

These three themes demonstrate that even narration of domestic violence victimization is gendered. Men applying for protection orders are under a gender paradox. Neither did they want to take on the role of a victim which could undermine their manliness, nor did they want to be seen as the abuser. They sought protection and would have been better off, if they claimed a vulnerable position. Yet, they maintained hegemonic masculinity in their narratives. The author terms this as “victimized masculinity”.

Although, men request for protection orders, the author notes that this request could be to enhance their control over the women as a protection order against women would enable restricting their access to shared household, shared property and even child custody.  Thus, men are reconstructing victimization through their narratives.

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Recognizing and Remedying the Harm of Battering: A Call to Criminalize Domestic Violence

Tuerkheimer, Deborah. 2004.” Recognizing and Remedying the Harm of Battering: A Call to Criminalize Domestic Violence.” The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 94(4):959-1032

In this article the author seeks to examine the discrepancy between the experience of domestic violence among women and the articulated remediation offered by law. By following the criminal proceedings associated with a domestic violence case, the author seeks to demonstrate this gap. She says, ” Criminal  law’s myopic  focus  on  transaction based physical violence critically  impacts the ability of jurors to  function effectively.”

Dynamics of Domestic Violence

Although domestic violence has been considered to be a show of power and control, criminal law seldom recognizes it as one. The author quotes a psychologist,

“To  negate  the  impact  of  the  time  period  between  discrete  episodes  of  serious  violence-a  time  period  during  which  the  woman  may  never  know when  the  next  incident  will occur,  and  may continue  to live  with  on-going  psychological  abuse-is  to fail  to  recognize  what  some  battered  woman  experience  as a  continuing  ‘state  of  siege.”   Thus, the author suggests that in practice domestic violence needs to be seen as a continuous process including threats, isolation, economic abuse and so on, rather than discrete incidences of violence.

Criminalization in Historical Context

It was in 1920 that wife beating was considered illegal in most states. However, it was only recently that interference in domestic sphere was considered to be part of the criminal response. Now, mandatory arrests and no drop policies has forced criminal justice systems to respond.

Criminal Law Paradigms

According to criminal law, crimes are “transaction-bound” and are subjected to evidence and criminal procedure. The author says that the law does not recognize the pattern of crime and that violence is exerted over a period of time. Thus , law is blind to the context in which domestic violence occurs.

Litigating Domestic Violence History

In the case of domestic violence, context is critical. Evidence often does not take into account the continuous mode of power and control exerted over the victim. And the stories of this continuous abuse lies outside the purview of criminal justice. Only incidents are punished. Since the law will accept only certain forms and transactions of violence, the victim is expected to change the narrative of her experience to get judicial remedy.

The author also suggests a different framework to identity domestic violence. She says,

A  person  is  guilty  of  battering  when:

He  or  she  intentionally  engages  in  a  course  of  conduct directed at  a  family  or  household  member;  and

He  or  she  knows  or  reasonably  should  know  that  such  conduct  is likely  to  result  in  substantial  power  or  control  over  the family  or  household  member;  and  At  least  two  acts  comprising  the  course  of  conduct  constitute  a  crime  in  this  jurisdiction

Through this definition the author seeks to bring the recognition that domestic violence is a continuous form of abuse and often seeks to exert power and control.

The author also recognizes a possible critique for this definition. She says, critics might state that this definition blurs the boundaries between the criminals who actually physically abuse and those who are merely dominating. The author says, this critique only seeks to uphold the status quo of a family where control and domination means stability.

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Domestic Violence against Married Women in Cambodia

Yount, Katherine.M and Jennifer S. Carerra. 2006. “Domestic Violence against Married Women in Cambodia.” Social Forces 85(1):355-387

In this article, the authors seek to analyze the effects of resources and early life experiences on the prevalence of and attitudes regarding domestic violence among 2,074 married women in Cambodia. This article looks at four major theories to explain domestic violence.

One, resource theory where violence is one another resource for men. When they lack other material resources, they use violence to demonstrate their power. The author cites several studies that state that domestic violence is more prevalent in low income households.

Second, scholars have emphasized the importance of including women’s dependence on men for increasing prevalence of domestic violence and women’s tolerance of abuse. Some other studies show that status inconsistencies is correlated with increased domestic violence i.e. men inflicting violence on women when they have higher incomes than the men.

Thirdly, scholars have also studied women’s family organizations to explain how that affects the presence of domestic violence. Whether the woman lives close to her husband’s family or her own natal family does influence the prevalence of domestic violence.

Fourth, scholars have also examined early life experiences to explain how women view domestic violence.  Scholars suggest that witnessing violence as a child, may teach children to normalize violence. Moreover, experience of violence may also reduce self esteem among women and increase their tolerance of violence.

The authors arrive at five hypotheses:

1. H1: Women  in poorer households  will have higher odds  of experiencing domestic  violence.
2. H2: Women  who  have  more  children  and  are  economically dependent on  marriage  will  have higher odds  of experiencing
   domestic  violence  and of justifying abuse against wives.
3. H3: Women  with more  schooling than  their  husbands  will have higher odds  of experiencing domestic  violence.
4. H4: Women  who  married  at a younger  age, and  who  lack contact  with  natal kin,  will have higher odds  of experiencing
   domestic  violence.
5. H5: Women  who report that their  father beat  their  mother will  have higher odds  of experiencing domestic  violence
   and of justifying abuse against wives

Data:

This paper is based on data from Cambodia 2000 Demographic and Health survey. Women aged 15-49 were eligible for participation. 99% of women were interviewed for the survey. A sub-sample of 25% households were identified to administer domestic violence module. This interview was held under caution to ensure that the women were not put under any major risk.  The DVM included a modified Conflicts Tactics Scale and also included questions about physical violence perpetuated by others. This included 2078 married women.

Dependent variables:

1. Experience of any physical or sexual or psychological violence in the previous year
2. Agree whether the husband is justified to beat his wife.

Independent variables:

Measures of early life experiences are:

1. Childhood residence (urban,rural)
2. Father’s schooling
3. Whether father ever beat her mother

Measures of family organization:

1. Whether father and mother were alive
2. Number of living siblings
3. Age at time of first marriage
4. Whether husband or parents-in-law were residing with the woman
5. Whether anyone from the natal family lived close by

House hold standard of living:

1. Assets and amenities in the household

Results:

Women with lower standard of living had higher odds of experiencing domestic violence. Women  who  had fewer opportunities than  their husbands  because they  had  8-13  fewer years of schooling more  often experienced  physical and psychological domestic  violence. (H2).  Women  with  more  living children  also  more  often experienced  physical domestic  violence  and  reported that  wife
beating is justified  (H2).    Third, women  who may  have challenged  status  expectations in marriage  by  having more  schooling
than  their husbands  had higher odds  of experiencing  psychological, but not physical domestic  violence  (H3).  Unexpectedly  (H4),  neither  a  woman’s age at  first marriage  nor the  survival status  or proximity of her natal  kin  was  associated  with her odds  of experiencing domestic  violence.  Finally, women  who reported father-to-mother violence  in  their  childhood  had higher
odds  of experiencing  physical and psychological domestic  violence,  but did not more often justify wife beating  (H5).

Women’s Movements and State Policy Reform Aimed at Domestic Violence Against Women: A Comparison of the U.S. and India

Bush, Diane Mitsch. 1992. “Women’s Movements and State Policy Reform Aimed at Domestic Violence against Women: A
Comparison of the Consequences of Movement Mobilization in the U.S. and India.” Gender and Society 6(4):587-608

In this article the author compares the Anti Dowry Movement Movement in India and the Battered Women’s Movement in the US to analyze how ideology and structure of  two sex- gender systems shaped social movement mobilization and state response to movements.

In this article, the author sees gender as a fundamental basis for social movement organization. If the success of women’s movement was only about accessing state mechanisms, it would not reorder the inherent gender inequality within these institutions. The author contends that policy implementation occurs within a state mechanism which is relatively autonomous from sex-gender systems. She argues that a state mechanism which is autonomous of sex-gender system will include women’s demands, without necessarily transforming social relations.

The data for this paper is drawn from interviews of two successive Shelter directors in the US and by observation of meetings in these Shelters. In India, the author conducted interview with five grassroots activists from two organizations.

Battered Women’s Movement defined battering as a result of gender power structure rather than as a private problem of deviant families. Even though the BVM framed the problem as one of gender inequality, the policy was framed as one of family violence, where there was NO mention of gender inequality within the family.

In India, the incidence of dowry deaths and their recognition in Mahila  Dakshata  Samiti’s  1977  report on dowry murders led to nation wide protests. Particularly Tarvindar Kaur’s murder, led to the enforcement of the Dowry Prohibition Act and the Section 304B on dowry deaths. Here too, the authorities refused to see the woman’s welfare different from family welfare.

Analysis

In both countries, the BWM and the ADVM challenged the notion that family was a private sphere which required no state intervention and criminalized domestic violence. In the US, battering was associated with alcoholism, drugs or stress. The gender power relations were underplayed. The rhetoric was more so about sex role socialization and deviant people.

The author suggests that the ADVM has been more successful in maintaining control over the construction of domestic violence. The press continued to focus on women’s subordination in the family. I am not sure if this assumption is right.

The author argues that most domestic violence laws implicate individual men for their problems and holds the family as an intact unit. In India, the author argues the absence of a uniform civil code demonstrates that the constitutional equality provided is a moot point. Love, not power determines how laws are enacted.

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Battered Women’s Movement Ideals and Judge-Led Social Change in Domestic Violence Courts

Mirchandani, Rekha. 2004. “Battered Women’s Movement Ideals and Judge-Led Social Change in Domestic Violence Courts.” The Good Society  Symposium: Theory of Democratic Professionalism 13(1): 32-37

In this article, the author describes the Battered Women’s Movement and their goal of facilitating social change through legal reform. Through her case study of Salt Lake Domestic Violence Court, she makes two arguments about specialized Domestic Violence Courts. She finds that the language used by the court is influenced by the BMW’s language. Second, she argues that the technocratic and efficiency based justice mechanism promotes the professionalism of the courts.

In describing the BWM, the author points out three main arguments of the movement:

1. Question the cultural notions of masculinity as dominance and femininity as subordination

2. Battering should be criminalized

3. Women should not be held responsible for the battery

The author finds that judges in the Domestic Violence courts in Salt Lake did use the above mentioned arguments.

Technocratic judges usually have administrative roles. One of the roles is to facilitate plea bargaining by counseling perpetrators on their constitutional rights. The author finds that the judges use this position to facilitate individual and social change. Thus, although technocratic roles are traditionally seen to be bureaucratic, the author finds that judges are able to perform meaningful work because of freed up time from administrative tasks.

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Private Concerns in Public Discourse: Women-Initiated Community Responses to Domestic Violence

Bhatla, Nandita and Anuradha Rajan. 2003. “Private Concerns in Public Discourse: Women-Initiated Community Responses to Domestic
Violence.”  Economic and Political Weekly 38(17):1658-1664

In this paper, the authors explore women led community based responses to domestic violence across five sites in India. Three community based initiatives were studied for this study.

1. Shalishi – Traditional system of arbitration utilized by Shramaji Mahila Samiti in West Bengal

2. Nari Adalat/ Mahila Panch in Baroda and Rajkot in Gujarat organized by Mahila Samakhya program

3. Nari Adalat/Sahara Sangh in Saharanpur and Tehri Garhwal in Uttar Pradesh organized by Mahila Samakhya program

All three initiatives have evolved from village level processes of village women’s collectives. Village level sanghas(women’s collectives) are the foundation of the Mahila Samakhya program. One Sahayogini(is a village level organizer from the Mahila Samakhya program) is responsible for 10 villages. Here, she organizes sanghas and helps them work on issues that matter to them. As domestic violence became and important issue, the sanghas formed a new forum known as the Nari Adalat(Women’s Court) to deal with the issue. The Nari Adalat(NA) meets at a centralized place in the village. Women with complaints file an application with the NA and they summon the other side to a meeting. Issues of violence are discussed in public meetings and arbitration is initiated. The village sangha provides basic facts required for the arbitration. The Sahara Sangh acts like a centralized pressure group or think tank which discusses strategies to deal with these cases. The cases are handled by the sanghas themselves.The Shalishi on the other hand, does have centralized sittings, but both these groups include important leaders from the village. The Shalishidhars are women trained to take a woman centric approach in handling these cases.

These initiatives are based on the primary premise that decisions through these initiatives which are embedded in the community, are better enforced. Community sanctions seem to have more power than orders from a court far removed from their lives.Psychological pressure is exerted on the perpetrator.  Moreover, courts are much less accessible to poor women. Since these initiatives are embedded in public spaces, these initiatives have been able to convert individual issues into social problems. These initiatives also help in educating the public on this problem.

A democratic process of arbitration is followed since the process occurs in a neutral setting. Finally these initiatives, since they are women led, provide victims a safe space to share their problems. Poor women, seldom have such forums available.

During the arbitration process, when perpetrators provide reasons for the violence, the facilitators of the NA/MP educate the men that violence is not justified at any point. Thus they are able to question some gender stereotypes, thus changing social norms.

By placing the women’s interest as the starting point for negotiations, the facilitators were pushing the limits of the cultural and normative boundaries of the community. Primarily, they were questioning the notion that violence was a private matter.The feminist agenda of the arbitration process was evident in terms of the kind of voice, issues and concerns that were highlighted.

The authors find that women felt a sense of individual transformationin the case resolution process itself. In the Nari Adalat, the victims were finding a space to exercise their own agency and voice.

Gendering Violence: Masculinity and Power in Men’s Accounts of Domestic Violence

Anderson, Kristen.L and Debra Umberson. 2001. “G.endering Violence: Masculinity and Power in Men’s Accounts of Domestic Violence.” Gender and Society 15(3):358-380

In this article,the authors “examine the construction of gender within men’s account of domestic violence”(pp 359). Batterers construct masculine identities through violence and through their discourses.

Data and Method

Data was collected in 1995-96 through indepth interviews with 33 men recruited through the Family Violence Diversion Network, a non-profit agency. Men volunteered from among the participants of the FVDN program. The sample contained more European American in comparison to the population.

Findings

The respondents suggested that violence was a gendered practice, such that, they(men) caused more serious, frequent and injurious violence than their partners.

In their descriptions of violence, they maintained hegemonic notions of masculinity and femininity. They described female violence as trivial, ineffectual and hysterical while they described their own violence to be rational, effective and explosive. By doing this, they were reinforcing their own masculinity. They also ascribed to themselves the role of “protector” even at the point of violence.

They often held their partners responsible for their own violence. This was particularly true when they described their partners as dominating or controlling (a masculine trait). Therefore, when women did not conform to the norms of femininity, their masculine traits was blamed for the violence. Finally, they also blamed the criminal justice system for being biased against men.

Overall, positions of dominance was always constructed as masculine. Even through their discourses, the batterers were using violence to construct notions of masculinity and femininity.

Domestic Violence, Contested Custody, and the Courts: A Review of Findings from Five Studies with Accompanying Documentary

Araji, Sharon.K. 2012. “Domestic Violence, Contested Custody, and the Courts: A Review of Findings from Five
Studies with Accompanying Documentary.”  Sociological Perspectives 55(1):3-15

In this article, the author demonstrates the problems faced by domestic violence victims or protective parents while they are battling child custody cases. Based on findings from five studies, the author points out seven themes of problems that these women face.

Data and Methods:

This study combines findings from five studies. Given below are the details from each study:

1. Alaska Study: 64 participants, who had suffered domestic violence and were fighting child custody battles were identified and mailed a survey questionnaire. 34 participants responded to the survey. The survey had both structured and open ended questions. Both the quantitative and qualitative data was analyzed.

2. Arizona Study: Based on survey and interview data from 57 women

3. Massachusetts Study: This study used multiple approaches. Forty DV victims were interviewed. 31 DV advocates filled survey questionnaires. 23 women (both DV victims and advocates) participated in focus groups. 16 state professionals involved in DV and child custody were interviewed.

4. Pennsylvania Study: Data was gathered from seven sources – “formal court room observations, descriptions of experiences, telephone justice surveys, testimonies from court hearings, telephone calls, reviews of court information and notices and information obtained from final report of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court Committee.” All of these had observations from 566 cases.

5. California Study: Based on 212 answered questionnaires across US, 80 case studies, review of court documents and written case histories.

Findings:

Seven themes around problems faced by domestic violence victim battling child custody cases emerged from the data.

1. Problems with join custody and visitation: In spite of known child abuse, alcohol abuse from the perpetrator, joint custody and visitation was awarded. Children, thus were in danger of being abused again and were witnessing DV. Moreover the protective parents continued to face issues of child support.

2. Lack of enforcement of court orders: DV continued or increased even after separation of parents

3. Perception about Judges and Courtrooms: Judges were perceived to be insensitive and disrespectful. Judges also placed victims at risk by ordering mediation even when it was dangerous to be in contact with the perpetrator. Moreover, the speedy court procedures  and multiple proceedings made it difficult for the victims.

4. Lack of Confidence in Court Appointed Professionals: Victims found the professionals to be untrained and often sympathetic towards the perpetrator. They also forced women to unsafe mediation with their abusers. Moreover, they blamed the protective parent for child abuse. However, there was variability across the five studies in this case.

5. Legal representation, Court Cost, Fear of Courts, and Court Culture: Victims often did not have the financial resources to hire lawyers and did not have enough information about court proceedings to deal with these issues by themselves.

6. Parental Alienation Syndrome(PAS): PAS is, a disorder where supposedly children are programmed by single parents to alienate the other parent. However this syndrome has no scientific proof. However, PAS is often used by abuser parents to gain custody.

7. Problems that protective parents face after custody: Even after custody, protective parents continued to face DV, economic abuse, threatened not to return the children and used the courts to harass the victims.Their children also faced physical harm and sometimes frightened them.

Boundaries, Negotiation, Consciousness: Reconceptualizing Gender Relations

Gerson, Judith.M. and Kathy Peiss.1985. “Boundaries, Negotiation, Consciousness: Reconceptualizing Gender Relations.” Social Problems 32(4): 317-331

This paper seeks to examine “gender in terms of boundaries, processes of negotiation as well as domination, and gender consciousness as an interactive and multidimensional process” (Gerson and Peiss 1985: 318). These concepts are critical in the context of separation of public and private spheres where women are restricted to the domestic spheres, while higher value is attributed to the public spheres.

Theoretical concepts:

The authors refer to three main concepts in this paper: Boundaries, negotiation and consciousness. Boundaries refer to physical, social, ideological and psychological differences and similarities between men and women which influences their behavior. The public private boundaries have been addressed in social sciences. In this paper, the authors refer to boundaries as a broader, generic term that looks beyond the public-private divisions to include boundaries in leisure and work activities, divisions in labor and in personal interactions. Authors suggest that analyzing boundaries would help assess the “stability and change in the system of gender relations” (Gerson and Peiss 1985:320).  However, to analyze shifts in boundaries, one must be aware of social processes and consciousness by which people view their worlds.

Domination is a process by which women are oppressed. Negotiation, on the other hand, indicates human agency, where women demand resources and privileges. However, negotiation is not a one-way process. Men, invite women to participate in previously denied locations and women utilize those opportunities to negotiate for resources. Women also tend to develop power in relationships through kin work. As they engage in duties related to the family, women gain control over related resources. But structural inequality does not always make it easy. Moreover, even when men invite women to spaces where they had no access previously, the boundaries of gender division are not radically changed. The authors give the example of the office space, where women have been invited but are expected to behave as men in their jobs and maintain their femininity otherwise. The authors postulate that even minimal negotiations impact women’s lives and this can be best understood by exploring people’s consciousness.

Earlier literature proposed that feminist and female consciousness was a dichotomous discrete variable. Gerson and Peiss, in this article explore gender consciousness as the continuum of female and feminist consciousness. Gender consciousness is described as a continuum of gender awareness, female/male consciousness and feminist/anti feminist consciousness. According to Gerson and Peiss, gender awareness refers to how people understand gender as it plays out but do not critically analyze those differences. Female consciousness is based on gender awareness but is the position where people are also cognizant of their rights and obligations as men and women. Finally, feminist consciousness refers to an ideology shared by a group that challenges the structural gender based power relations and which may lead to a social movement. Similarly the authors explore male consciousness and describe it as such: “male consciousness is characterized by the value placed on individual autonomy, sense of entitlement and a relative superiority to women” (Gerson and Peiss 1985:326).

In conclusion the authors reinforce the need to explore the concepts of negotiation and consciousness to analyze shifting boundaries of gender divisions. They also emphasize the need to examine male behavior and consciousness as a result of complex interactions with women, which includes control, cooperation and resistance. The authors state that these dimensions allow for a comparison of gender relations in different contexts.

Hierarchies, Jobs, Bodies: A Theory of Gendered Organizations

Acker, Joan. 1990. “Hierarchies, Jobs, Bodies: A Theory of Gendered Organizations.” Gender & Society 4(2):139-58

 Need for the study

 Many social scientists have made theoretical contributions regarding women and organizations, but their work has not been brought together as a “systematic feminist theory of organizations” (Acker 1990: 140).  In this article, Acker attempts to develop a theory of gender and organizations. Gender segregation of work, inequalities in status and income between men and women and individual gender identity are created and reinforced by organizational practices and therefore, the need for a systematic theory. Cultural images of gender are created and reproduced within organizations. Finally, it is an important feminist project to make large organizations democratic and humane.

 Main Questions

Acker addresses the following questions in the article. First, why have feminist scholars not debated organizational theory in their work? Secondly, she looks at how feminists who worked on organizations conceptualized them? Thirdly she examines organizations as gendered processes where gender, body and sexuality are used to exercise control in organizations even while engaging in gender neutral and asexual discourses.

             Feminists did not debate organizational theory because of the following reasons. One, not many feminist organizations could retain the radical-democratic form, that they had envisaged in contrast to the bureaucratic organizational form. However, they did not engage in a discussion on the feasibility of this vision, when faced with this challenge. Secondly, the available concepts and models in organizational theory were embedded in a masculine experience of a working, which did not interest feminist scholars. Even when scholars studied organizations as spaces of control, power and exploitation, women were largely ignored. Another reason was that most discourses conceptualized organizations as gender neutral and asexual spaces. When organizations are viewed such that, the ‘masculine’ represents the sole human nature, organizations are seen as gender neutral.

             While discussing feminists who worked on this issue, Acker points out some main contributions. Kanter (1977) discussed structural issues in organizations, and how authority is exercised in seemingly gender neutral structures. Ressner (1987) talked about how bureaucracy and patriarchy operate in organizations, leading to women’s “discrimination, exclusion, segregation, and low wages” (Acker 1990 144). Ferguson (1984) identified how rationality, rules and procedures constructed a structure of male power. However, Ferguson’s argument although radical, stereotyped femininity as passive, oppressed and weak. Acker suggests that existing feminist studies on organizations dealt only with the theoretical understanding that organizations as gender neutral and ignored sexuality as an important part of continuous gender structuring.

             According to Acker, gendering occurs in five ways. One, through gender based divisions in work, physical locations, power, labor market structures, family and state. Two, through symbols and images that reinforce gender divisions. Third, gendering occurs in interactions between men and women and among men and women, where patterns of submission and dominance, reinforce gender divisions. Fourth, these processes enhance individual gender identities in men and women. Finally, organizations, while seemingly gender neutral have a “gendered substructure” reproduced in organizational activities. Acker takes the example of job evaluation as a management tool, to understand how organizations are gendered.

             Job evaluations are relative ranking of jobs in terms of complexity, knowledge, skill, effort and working conditions. Job evaluations are meant to be independent of the person performing the job. Thus, the underlying assumption therefore, is that the person is a male, who does not have other responsibilities of procreation, caring and nurturing. The job, while appearing to be gender neutral, has an implicit assumption of gendered work, separating the public from the private. Since job evaluations are also about hierarchy, it assumes that a person, who needs to divide commitments, will be most suitable for lower level jobs. Job evaluations are based on the principle that two people will not be responsible for same outcomes. Therefore, a secretary who implements a task for which the manager is responsible is never given a higher position in the hierarchy. Job evaluations assume that the worker is created only for the job, thus excluding women who have other roles to perform.

 By assuming that the worker has no emotions, no sexuality and does not procreate, the effort is to create organizations which were seemingly asexual. This also meant that some spaces excluded women to maintain an asexual structure devoid of emotions and procreation.  Moreover, sexuality is often used to exercise control over women, through symbols and objectification of women’s bodies. In places where women were excluded, attempts were made to restrict homosexual relations in the work place. The larger goal was to create a work place divided from the personal space, and thus sexuality.

 Conclusion:

Acker concludes by saying that organizations are deeply embedded in gendered processes and only a radical transformation of organizations can create an equal space for women. Moreover, feminist research can contribute to the creation of a space where collective work would refrain from dominating, controlling or suppressing women in the name of gender.

References:

Ferguson, Kathy E. 1984. The feminist case against bureaucracy. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Kanter, Rosabeth Moss. 1977. Men and women of the corporation. New York: Basic Books

Ressner, Ulla. 1987. The Hidden Hierarchy. Aldershot: Gower.

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Acker, Joan. 1990. “Hierarchies, Jobs, Bodies: A Theory of Gendered Organizations.” Gender & Society 4(2):139-58

Need for the study

Many social scientists have made theoretical contributions regarding women and organizations, but their work has not been brought together as a “systematic feminist theory of organizations” (Acker 1990: 140).  In this article, Acker attempts to develop a theory of gender and organizations. Gender segregation of work, inequalities in status and income between men and women and individual gender identity are created and reinforced by organizational practices and therefore, the need for a systematic theory. Cultural images of gender are created and reproduced within organizations. Finally, it is an important feminist project to make large organizations democratic and humane.

Main Questions

Acker addresses the following questions in the article. First, why have feminist scholars not debated organizational theory in their work? Secondly, she looks at how feminists who worked on organizations conceptualized them? Thirdly she examines organizations as gendered processes where gender, body and sexuality are used to exercise control in organizations even while engaging in gender neutral and asexual discourses.

            Feminists did not debate organizational theory because of the following reasons. One, not many feminist organizations could retain the radical-democratic form, that they had envisaged in contrast to the bureaucratic organizational form. However, they did not engage in a discussion on the feasibility of this vision, when faced with this challenge. Secondly, the available concepts and models in organizational theory were embedded in a masculine experience of a working, which did not interest feminist scholars. Even when scholars studied organizations as spaces of control, power and exploitation, women were largely ignored. Another reason was that most discourses conceptualized organizations as gender neutral and asexual spaces. When organizations are viewed such that, the ‘masculine’ represents the sole human nature, organizations are seen as gender neutral.

            While discussing feminists who worked on this issue, Acker points out some main contributions. Kanter (1977) discussed structural issues in organizations, and how authority is exercised in seemingly gender neutral structures. Ressner (1987) talked about how bureaucracy and patriarchy operate in organizations, leading to women’s “discrimination, exclusion, segregation, and low wages” (Acker 1990 144). Ferguson (1984) identified how rationality, rules and procedures constructed a structure of male power. However, Ferguson’s argument although radical, stereotyped femininity as passive, oppressed and weak. Acker suggests that existing feminist studies on organizations dealt only with the theoretical understanding that organizations as gender neutral and ignored sexuality as an important part of continuous gender structuring.

            According to Acker, gendering occurs in five ways. One, through gender based divisions in work, physical locations, power, labor market structures, family and state. Two, through symbols and images that reinforce gender divisions. Third, gendering occurs in interactions between men and women and among men and women, where patterns of submission and dominance, reinforce gender divisions. Fourth, these processes enhance individual gender identities in men and women. Finally, organizations, while seemingly gender neutral have a “gendered substructure” reproduced in organizational activities. Acker takes the example of job evaluation as a management tool, to understand how organizations are gendered.

            Job evaluations are relative ranking of jobs in terms of complexity, knowledge, skill, effort and working conditions. Job evaluations are meant to be independent of the person performing the job. Thus, the underlying assumption therefore, is that the person is a male, who does not have other responsibilities of procreation, caring and nurturing. The job, while appearing to be gender neutral, has an implicit assumption of gendered work, separating the public from the private. Since job evaluations are also about hierarchy, it assumes that a person, who needs to divide commitments, will be most suitable for lower level jobs. Job evaluations are based on the principle that two people will not be responsible for same outcomes. Therefore, a secretary who implements a task for which the manager is responsible is never given a higher position in the hierarchy. Job evaluations assume that the worker is created only for the job, thus excluding women who have other roles to perform.

 By assuming that the worker has no emotions, no sexuality and does not procreate, the effort is to create organizations which were seemingly asexual. This also meant that some spaces excluded women to maintain an asexual structure devoid of emotions and procreation.  Moreover, sexuality is often used to exercise control over women, through symbols and objectification of women’s bodies. In places where women were excluded, attempts were made to restrict homosexual relations in the work place. The larger goal was to create a work place divided from the personal space, and thus sexuality.

Conclusion:

Acker concludes by saying that organizations are deeply embedded in gendered processes and only a radical transformation of organizations can create an equal space for women. Moreover, feminist research can contribute to the creation of a space where collective work would refrain from dominating, controlling or suppressing women in the name of gender.

Ferguson, Kathy E. 1984. The feminist case against bureaucracy. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Kanter, Rosabeth Moss. 1977. Men and women of the corporation. New York: Basic Books

Ressner, Ulla. 1987. The Hidden Hierarchy. Aldershot: Gower.